Network Maps as Research Tools
One of the primary purposes of this research was to assess the networks, individuals and patterns of political engagement which were fundamental in shaping the success of the suffrage campaign in Napier. The network maps produced here served as critical research tools, significantly assisting in this process by identifying connections and patterns less discernible in the raw data form. As an output, the interactive nature of these components allows the viewer to uncover further connections, with the address filter, for example, highlighting the significance of place and space in facilitating activism.
Network 1: Continuous Activists
The network map below illustrates the relationships between the twenty seven women located on all four primary documents used in the study. Connections were determined using geographic locality, institutional association (particularly with the Hawke's Bay Children's Home), occupational connections (Isobel Bartleman and Hannah Paton both working, and living, as nurses at Napier Hospital), and familial relationships (evidenced by Harriet and Elsie Cobb). These have been identified by link colour and weight, with green links denoting a geographic connection, and dashed links indicating an occupational or institutional relationship.
Click on the image below to open the visualisation in RPubs
Click on the image below to open the visualisation in RPubs
Interpretation
The sample of twenty-seven women who engaged most continuously with the suffrage campaign, and national politics once the vote was won, were connected in a variety of ways. Just eight of the women were not connected to other members of the sample in anyway. Residential connection proved the most common. There were also significant organisational connections, with the Hawke's Bay Children's Home emerging as a point of particular interest here. Harriet Cobb and Emily Hill, both involved with the Children's Home, were also known members of the Napier Women's Franchise League, highlighting the connection between the charitable institution and the suffrage campaign.
It is worth noting that none of the women connected through the Children's Home chose to identify themselves occupationally simply as wives or engaged in domestic duties. For Harriet Cobb, photographer, and Ella Dick, boarding house keeper, their distinction was based on their main economic income. Emily Hill's decision to identify herself as a 'gentlewoman' first and foremost sheds more light on her understanding of the social context in which she operated. It is possible that engagement with salient political organisations outside of the home enabled these women to identify themselves as occupying a role larger than the domestic sphere. Occupational analysis highlighted some networks which had not previously been identified. Isobel Bartleman and Hannah Paton, both working as nurses at Napier hospital, illustrate this point.
It is worth noting that none of the women connected through the Children's Home chose to identify themselves occupationally simply as wives or engaged in domestic duties. For Harriet Cobb, photographer, and Ella Dick, boarding house keeper, their distinction was based on their main economic income. Emily Hill's decision to identify herself as a 'gentlewoman' first and foremost sheds more light on her understanding of the social context in which she operated. It is possible that engagement with salient political organisations outside of the home enabled these women to identify themselves as occupying a role larger than the domestic sphere. Occupational analysis highlighted some networks which had not previously been identified. Isobel Bartleman and Hannah Paton, both working as nurses at Napier hospital, illustrate this point.
Network 2: Sheet 426
This network maps highlights connections between signatories from a single sheet. Sheet 426 provided strong evidence of door-to-door canvassing with signatories all residing in the north Napier suburb of Bluff Hill. Included on the sheet is Napier Women's Franchise League president Emily Hill. There are also two further women who appear on all four documents used in the present study: Florence Bisson and Emma Davidson.
Map depicts Women's Franchise League, street and family connections, with street connections represented by dashed lines. Links have been labelled with connection type, "F" indicating a family relationship, "S" indicating a street association, and "WFL" indicating connection between two members of the Napier Women's Franchise League.
Click on the image below to open the visualisation in RPubs
Map depicts Women's Franchise League, street and family connections, with street connections represented by dashed lines. Links have been labelled with connection type, "F" indicating a family relationship, "S" indicating a street association, and "WFL" indicating connection between two members of the Napier Women's Franchise League.
Click on the image below to open the visualisation in RPubs
Interpretation
Family connection features prominently in this network map, with four distinct family groupings identified amongst the signatories from sheet 426. Annie Rees and her daughters Lily Rees and Elizabeth Lusk (nee Rees), and adopted-daughter Annie Charlotte Staite, provide one example. The Miller sisters, Kate and Mary, the women of the Newton family (Margaret and her daughters Grace and Margaret Kennedy Newton), and Flossie and Emily Bell form the other three groups. Presence of these groups highlights the extent to which family life informed female activism in the Napier context, and provides evidence of political discussion within the home.
Geographic relationships provide another major source of connection exhibited by this map. The spatial connectedness of the women in question, supported by the mapping exercises undertaken as part of this spatial analysis, highlights the significance of door to door canvassing, and petitioning more generally, as politically mobilising tools.
The connection between Emily Hill (Elizabeth Road) and Charlotte Hindmarsh (Fitzgerald Road) highlights the extent to which the Napier Women's Franchise League facilitated connection between women from different localities, a characteristic which played a significant role in shaping the success of the campaign as a whole.
There appears to be little correlation between the number of appearances made by each signatory and their connection to other women from this sheet. Sheet 426 was not the only one to circulated within this suburb, however, the maps produced highlight the presence of at least five other sheets.
Geographic relationships provide another major source of connection exhibited by this map. The spatial connectedness of the women in question, supported by the mapping exercises undertaken as part of this spatial analysis, highlights the significance of door to door canvassing, and petitioning more generally, as politically mobilising tools.
The connection between Emily Hill (Elizabeth Road) and Charlotte Hindmarsh (Fitzgerald Road) highlights the extent to which the Napier Women's Franchise League facilitated connection between women from different localities, a characteristic which played a significant role in shaping the success of the campaign as a whole.
There appears to be little correlation between the number of appearances made by each signatory and their connection to other women from this sheet. Sheet 426 was not the only one to circulated within this suburb, however, the maps produced highlight the presence of at least five other sheets.
Header Credit: Ian Blackburn, 2019.